This quarrel has been at the centre of our perception of English 12th century history since the events themselves. The relationship between the two men has been accorded a degree of romanticism, with a presumed friendship running across the medieval fault lines between church and state. The portrayal of these tensions in drama, and generally in popular culture, has the two men’s long and amicable relationship turning sour, then assuming the characteristics of a personal and public power struggle. It’s a picture geared to a more modern dramatic imperative, and is unfortunately rather misleading.
The popular
understanding of the relationship is of Thomas Becket being first promoted and
then brought down by King Henry II. Historians Frank Barlow and Simon Schama, among
many others, have been inclined to characterise the quarrel in this way. Becket,
whose career as a cleric developed under the protection of Archbishop Theobald,
was made chancellor soon after Henry’s accession in 1154. His strength of
purpose and administrative capacity turned this position into one of the great
offices of state. It was a secular post, and Becket was employed as an
ambassador, a civil servant, and chief fixer. On occasion he even led troops
into battle. He also moved to re-balance the tax base so that the Church,
having traditionally been given preferential treatment, took on more of the English
tax burden.
Archbishop Theobald,
who had first recommended Becket to Henry, was angered by this and cut off
contact with Becket. But he died in 1161, and despite the claims of
more experienced bishops, Henry appointed Thomas, over their heads, to
Canterbury. Becket was expected to combine both jobs, but he resigned as
chancellor precipitately and instead threw himself into extending the Church’s wealth
and power.
Church v State
This change inevitably
meant endless arguments over law and property. The themes were the ever
widening reach of papal sovereignty, plus the increasing claims of canon law for
Church immunity from secular authority, with the exemption of the clergy from
the courts that were applicable to everyone else. Such special pleading was characterised
by the demand for liberty against oppression. It did not go down well with
Henry, nor probably would it have done with any secular ruler.
It’s important to remember the medieval Church was an international organisation and carried all the authority which this involved. It was invested at this time in what we might now see as a power grab across Europe. But Henry too, was head of an extensive international family business, the Angevin monarchy. He was stubborn and driven by the determination to restore the lands of his grandfather, Henry I. Rather a case of the irresistible force against the immovable object. During his reign Henry spent more time in what is now France than in England. He spoke Norman French and Latin, but never learned English.
Becket
lobbied determinedly in Rome against English government plans to weaken the
influence of the Church. After the so called Clarendon proposals were accepted in January
1164 by most of the bishops, but not Becket, a final meeting of the Council at Northampton
took place in October. It was meant to force the issue with Becket but he escaped
overseas to exile at the Cistercian Abbey of Pontigny, Burgundy, 120 miles from
Paris. He built this base as an alternative propaganda and power centre,
winning support from around Europe. Then, after threats from Henry against the order, he moved to
Sens, 35 miles away.
In a stormy
six years' exile Becket was a noisy adversary, threatening to excommunicate and
interdict Henry plus several bishops. Attempts were made to bring the two
together. Yet the pope, sympathetic to Becket, was reluctant to make an enemy of so
powerful a figure as Henry. At last, under pressure from Rome, they seemed to come to
terms in July 1170.
Power and personality
It was at
best an uneasy truce. Becket at last returned to Canterbury in December but
then promptly excommunicated three bishops, loyal supporters of Henry. It
wasn’t the most diplomatic of moves but Thomas often lacked the ability and
probably the will to compromise. Indeed he seemed not to have had a political
bone in his body.
When Henry
heard of this he is said to have railed “What miserable drones and traitors
have I nourished and promoted in my household, who let their lord be treated
with such shameful contempt by a low-born clerk”. This reaction was recorded by
Grim, a normally reliable contemporary source, who was present on 29th
December when four knights burst into Canterbury Cathedral and at the altar literally
cut Thomas to pieces. The presumed quote that inspired this murderous
initiative, “Will no one rid me of this turbulent priest?” didn’t actually
appear in print until the 19th century.
What other
myths are attached to this episode? First, Henry and Thomas had not been friends.
It’s clear from recently reviewed source material that the relationship was, as
the case with everything about Henry, wholly conditional on the facts of power.
Henry’s son, later to be known as the Young King Henry, had earlier been sent to
Becket’s household for educational grooming, and seems to have been fond of his
mentor. But this was a fairly typical pattern in the period. It's quite hard
to equate this with friendship. John Guy, Becket’s most recent biographer, says
Henry was a foul tempered, bullying, venal perjured tyrant ‘with an innate
assumption that his will was law’. Clearly hated by his many children and his
wife, as well as magnates and bishops, it’s no surprise that Becket found him
hard work. But Becket, too, was not popular either at home in England or in
exile.
International cult
Also despite what has often been written, and believed, Henry was not mortified by the murder of Thomas. He regarded it as inconvenient. The dead archbishop was quickly made a saint and a ‘cult of Becket’ soon grew up around him. Idealised and canonised, his was soon the most famous shrine in Christendom. Local monks grew fat on the resulting tourist trade.
While no
charmer in his lifetime, and one who never felt he belonged, the awkward,
bristly Becket was venerated as a martyr. Seeing the strength of public feeling
and the power of this new cult, Henry eventually did public penance at Becket’s
tomb. But it can easily be seen as a PR stunt to try and go with the grain. And
in any case it didn’t happen until July 1174, with Becket now a saint, and well over three years after the
murder.
Finally, the
relationship and power struggle between Henry and Becket has often been viewed through
too Anglocentric a lense. Strip out the personalities and there would still
have been a tug of war between church and state, as there has been throughout
history in Britain and other countries. Competition for power and influence is
a permanent leitmotif, in this case drawn more starkly by the struggle between
the European medieval church and the European Angevin patrimony for rights,
resources and legitimacy. These days we can see the international dimension. But
it is an important factor in British history that has often been ignored.
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